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FREQUENCY, 2020-22
The photographic series Frequency, like an epiphany, provokes me the revelation of the tension and the conflict over the desire to build a custom habitable world, for and by human beings. Cities seem to concentrate the satisfaction of each of our needs, needs without limits that we do not know where they begin and where they end, are revealed as indistinguishable from the desire itself that wanders from the shelter of a building with great heights, from light to energies, from walking to highways, from creating to spectacle, from health care to assisted prolongation of life. A kind of parallel world created especially for humanity as if it were a duality in opposition to the voluptuous and dark world of foliage that could devour us, full of dangers and mysteries of nature. And between it and the human world appear the patches, the marks from the cracks and wounds of streets and buildings that cannot regenerate themselves, heal itself like the forest does, no matter how hard you try. Cement patches and the bricks are the scars of the cities, the hidden frailties of this desire to control and the construction of a safe, complete, self-referring, and sanitized world.
It is the year 2020 and the conflict of this desire with its artificial duality has come to light. The streets, backyards, empty entrances, walls and dead ends are images of loneliness that makes it uncomfortable to express the absence of our presence. At times the ominous has taken the place of that absence, fills it, and we perceive it everywhere without being able to name it. It is on the tip of the tongue and in every vision, as when we observe these photographs. Anguish -that unspeakable and formless feeling that ran underground under the city patches keeping us safe from conflict- its felt in the isolated wandering, like a cold stream in black and white that stops us from looking with more attention and without escape to that daily environment that has become insecure and unknown.
text by Mónica Salinero Rates, Sociologist
audio by Justin Pape, Artist
HIGHLIGHTS:
Getxophoto. Pause! Open Call 2023. Shortlisted. (ES)
Canada Council for the Arts. Travel Grant. Arts Abroad program 2022 (CA)
Leica Oskar Barnack Award 2022, Nominee (GE)
Galería Animal. (Solo Show) Exhibition. 2022 (CL)
Frecuencia, Artishock Magazine. Article by Alejandra Villasmil. 2022 (CL)
Extempore. Published by Colony Collapse (CA)
Ontario Art Council. Exhibition Assistance Grant 2021-2022 (CA)
The Burtynsky Grant + Scotiabank CONTACT Photography Festival. Winner 2021 (CA)
Urbanautica Institute Awards 2020. Representations of Space, Architecture, and Conflicts. Winner 2021 (IT)
FREQUENCY, 2020-22
FREQUENCY, 2020-22
The photographic series Frequency, like an epiphany, provokes me the revelation of the tension and the conflict over the desire to build a custom habitable world, for and by human beings. Cities seem to concentrate the satisfaction of each of our needs, needs without limits that we do not know where they begin and where they end, are revealed as indistinguishable from the desire itself that wanders from the shelter of a building with great heights, from light to energies, from walking to highways, from creating to spectacle, from health care to assisted prolongation of life. A kind of parallel world created especially for humanity as if it were a duality in opposition to the voluptuous and dark world of foliage that could devour us, full of dangers and mysteries of nature. And between it and the human world appear the patches, the marks from the cracks and wounds of streets and buildings that cannot regenerate themselves, heal itself like the forest does, no matter how hard you try. Cement patches and the bricks are the scars of the cities, the hidden frailties of this desire to control and the construction of a safe, complete, self-referring, and sanitized world.
It is the year 2020 and the conflict of this desire with its artificial duality has come to light. The streets, backyards, empty entrances, walls and dead ends are images of loneliness that makes it uncomfortable to express the absence of our presence. At times the ominous has taken the place of that absence, fills it, and we perceive it everywhere without being able to name it. It is on the tip of the tongue and in every vision, as when we observe these photographs. Anguish -that unspeakable and formless feeling that ran underground under the city patches keeping us safe from conflict- its felt in the isolated wandering, like a cold stream in black and white that stops us from looking with more attention and without escape to that daily environment that has become insecure and unknown.
text by Mónica Salinero Rates, Sociologist
audio by Justin Pape, Artist
HIGHLIGHTS:
Getxophoto. Pause! Open Call 2023. Shortlisted. (ES)
Canada Council for the Arts. Travel Grant. Arts Abroad program 2022 (CA)
Leica Oskar Barnack Award 2022, Nominee (GE)
Galería Animal. (Solo Show) Exhibition. 2022 (CL)
Frecuencia, Artishock Magazine. Article by Alejandra Villasmil. 2022 (CL)
Extempore. Published by Colony Collapse (CA)
Ontario Art Council. Exhibition Assistance Grant 2021-2022 (CA)
The Burtynsky Grant + Scotiabank CONTACT Photography Festival. Winner 2021 (CA)
Urbanautica Institute Awards 2020. Representations of Space, Architecture, and Conflicts. Winner 2021 (IT)
Untitled (Atacama)...
Valle
Paisaje Común, at Galería Animal
Unfold
Unfold Billboards, at Contact Photography Festival
OMNE, Land (Artist Residency)
Frecuencia, at Galería Animal
Frequency, b-sides
Frequency
On Trial
Displace
Displace at Project 107 Gallery
Notes (On Trial) 03
Notes (On Trial) 02
Notes (On Trial) 01
Trama at Sur Gallery
Untitled (Sequel)
Info
Publications
News
[ENG]
Once Chile recovered its democracy in 1990, a remarkable process of western-style development (Moore, 1966) started based on an economic model that delivered macroeconomic progress (The World Bank, 2021), but which has left behind many communities across the country (Benedikter & Zlosilo, 2017; Fábrega, 2019; Siavelis, 2010). Just like many other of the so-called high-income countries, there are still communities in Chile living in poor conditions, despite the incorporation of Chile to the OECD in 2010 and the international recognition of the Chilean model of development (Richards, 1997).
The Huasco Valley is one of those places still left behind. Located in the south of the Atacama Desert and known as the last valley before entering the driest desert on earth, the Huasco river gives life to the valley, its people and their ways of living. The Valley is formed by four main communities (namely Huasco, Freirina, Vallenar, and Alto del Carmen) reaching a population of about 72,000 people distributed along 150 km from the Pacific Ocean up to more than 4,000 m.a.s.l. in The Andes. The main economic activities of the region, other than services, are by far mining (41% of the regional GDP) with one of the highest GDP per capita among regions in Chile (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, n.d.) but still with many unsolved socio-environmental issues (Environmental Justice Atlas, n.d.; Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos, n.d.), reflecting the inequality Chile still suffers . Although the Valley has been subject to the development of industrial and mining projects for years (Bolados-García et al., 2021), emblematic developments have been cancelled due to public pressure and the companies’ poor socio-environmental practices, despite being approved by authorities. These include mining, agroindustry and energy projects. Some of the identified impacts of these projects include high levels of heavy metals in children and local produce, intolerable odours from pig carcasses, pollution of the local sea by mining tailings and long-lasting sediments in the Huasco river (Insunza, 2015; Myllyvirta et al., 2020; Vargas Aceituno, 2014). As seen, academic literature, as well as NGO research, show vast evidence of the social and environmental impact of these projects in the communities of the Valley.
Under this troubling scenario of development, investment, justice and distrust, conflicts appear due to the unfair distribution of social and environmental ‘goods’ and ‘bads’ that threaten the health, livelihood and social identities of these communities (Scheidel et al., 2020). Industrial territorial interventions, while creating employment, paying taxes and benefitting the local economy, also bring negative externalities that affect people’s ways of living, they hardly distribute economic benefits equally, and governments usually behave unilaterally (Amengual, 2018).
This work focuses on those communities and their territories with the aim of understanding the rationale of development and the potential role that multinationals play in it. After visiting the Valley, talking to its citizens and photographing its diverse landscape from the ocean to the mountain, we found a sensation of uncertainty and abandonment, and our work reflects the visible and invisible, the ephemeral and permanent, the transformations, adaptations, relationships and the intertwined conflicts existing across the valley.
Text by Eduardo Ordonez-Ponce, PhD.
Associate Professor, Athabasca University
[ESP]
Una vez que Chile recuperó su democracia en 1990, este comenzó un notable proceso de desarrollo de estilo occidental (Moore, 1966) basado en un modelo económico que generó progreso macroeconómico (The World Bank, 2021), pero que ha dejado atrás a muchas comunidades en todo el país (Benedikter & Zlosilo, 2017; Fábrega, 2019; Siavelis, 2010). Al igual que muchos otros de los llamados países de altos ingresos, en Chile aún existen comunidades que viven en condiciones precarias, a pesar de la incorporación de Chile a la OCDE en 2010 y el reconocimiento internacional del modelo chileno de desarrollo (Richards, 1997) .
El Valle de Huasco es uno de esos lugares que aún quedan atrás. Ubicado al sur del Desierto de Atacama y conocido como el último valle antes de ingresar al desierto más árido de la tierra, el río Huasco da vida al valle, a su gente y a sus formas de vivir. El Valle está formado por cuatro comunidades principales (Huasco, Freirina, Vallenar y Alto del Carmen) alcanzando una población de alrededor de 72.000 personas distribuidas a lo largo de 150 km desde el Océano Pacífico hasta más de 4.000 m.s.n.m. en la Cordillera de Los Andes. Las principales actividades económicas de la región, además de los servicios, son por lejos la minería (41% del PIB regional) con uno de los PIB per cápita más altos entre las regiones de Chile (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, n.d.), pero aún con muchos problemas socioambientales sin resolver (Environmental Justice Atlas, d.f.; Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos, n.d.), que reflejan la desigualdad que aún sufre Chile. Si bien el Valle ha sido objeto del desarrollo de proyectos industriales y mineros durante años (Bolados-García et al., 2021), proyectos emblemáticos han sido cancelados por la presión pública y las malas prácticas socioambientales de las empresas, a pesar de haber sido aprobados por autoridades. Estos incluyen proyectos de minería, agroindustria y energía. Algunos de los impactos identificados de estos proyectos incluyen altos niveles de metales pesados impactando niños y productos locales, olores intolerables de los cadáveres de cerdos, contaminación del mar local por relaves mineros y sedimentos de larga duración en el río Huasco (Insunza, 2015; Myllyvirta et al. al., 2020; Vargas Aceituno, 2014). Como se ve, la literatura académica, así como las investigaciones de las ONG, muestran vasta evidencia del impacto social y ambiental de estos proyectos en las comunidades del Valle.
Bajo este preocupante escenario de desarrollo, inversión, justicia y desconfianza, aparecen conflictos por la injusta distribución de 'bienes' y 'males' sociales y ambientales que amenazan la salud, el sustento y la identidad social de estas comunidades (Scheidel et al., 2020). Las intervenciones territoriales industriales, si bien crean empleo, pagan impuestos y benefician la economía local, también traen externalidades negativas que afectan las formas de vida de las personas, difícilmente distribuyen los beneficios económicos de manera equitativa y los gobiernos suelen actuar de manera unilateral (Amengual, 2018).
Este trabajo se centra en esas comunidades y sus territorios con el objetivo de comprender la lógica del desarrollo y el papel potencial que las multinacionales juegan en él. Luego de visitar el Valle, conversar con sus habitantes y fotografiar su diverso paisaje desde el mar hasta la montaña, nos encontramos con una sensación de incertidumbre y abandono, y nuestra obra refleja lo visible e invisible, lo efímero y permanente, las transformaciones, adaptaciones, relaciones y los conflictos entrelazados que existen en todo el valle.
Texto de Eduardo Ordóñez-Ponce, PhD.
Profesor asociado, Universidad de Athabasca
[ENG]
Once Chile recovered its democracy in 1990, a remarkable process of western-style development (Moore, 1966) started based on an economic model that delivered macroeconomic progress (The World Bank, 2021), but which has left behind many communities across the country (Benedikter & Zlosilo, 2017; Fábrega, 2019; Siavelis, 2010). Just like many other of the so-called high-income countries, there are still communities in Chile living in poor conditions, despite the incorporation of Chile to the OECD in 2010 and the international recognition of the Chilean model of development (Richards, 1997).
The Huasco Valley is one of those places still left behind. Located in the south of the Atacama Desert and known as the last valley before entering the driest desert on earth, the Huasco river gives life to the valley, its people and their ways of living. The Valley is formed by four main communities (namely Huasco, Freirina, Vallenar, and Alto del Carmen) reaching a population of about 72,000 people distributed along 150 km from the Pacific Ocean up to more than 4,000 m.a.s.l. in The Andes. The main economic activities of the region, other than services, are by far mining (41% of the regional GDP) with one of the highest GDP per capita among regions in Chile (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, n.d.) but still with many unsolved socio-environmental issues (Environmental Justice Atlas, n.d.; Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos, n.d.), reflecting the inequality Chile still suffers . Although the Valley has been subject to the development of industrial and mining projects for years (Bolados-García et al., 2021), emblematic developments have been cancelled due to public pressure and the companies’ poor socio-environmental practices, despite being approved by authorities. These include mining, agroindustry and energy projects. Some of the identified impacts of these projects include high levels of heavy metals in children and local produce, intolerable odours from pig carcasses, pollution of the local sea by mining tailings and long-lasting sediments in the Huasco river (Insunza, 2015; Myllyvirta et al., 2020; Vargas Aceituno, 2014). As seen, academic literature, as well as NGO research, show vast evidence of the social and environmental impact of these projects in the communities of the Valley.
Under this troubling scenario of development, investment, justice and distrust, conflicts appear due to the unfair distribution of social and environmental ‘goods’ and ‘bads’ that threaten the health, livelihood and social identities of these communities (Scheidel et al., 2020). Industrial territorial interventions, while creating employment, paying taxes and benefitting the local economy, also bring negative externalities that affect people’s ways of living, they hardly distribute economic benefits equally, and governments usually behave unilaterally (Amengual, 2018).
This work focuses on those communities and their territories with the aim of understanding the rationale of development and the potential role that multinationals play in it. After visiting the Valley, talking to its citizens and photographing its diverse landscape from the ocean to the mountain, we found a sensation of uncertainty and abandonment, and our work reflects the visible and invisible, the ephemeral and permanent, the transformations, adaptations, relationships and the intertwined conflicts existing across the valley.
Text by Eduardo Ordonez-Ponce, PhD.
Associate Professor, Athabasca University
[ESP]
Una vez que Chile recuperó su democracia en 1990, este comenzó un notable proceso de desarrollo de estilo occidental (Moore, 1966) basado en un modelo económico que generó progreso macroeconómico (The World Bank, 2021), pero que ha dejado atrás a muchas comunidades en todo el país (Benedikter & Zlosilo, 2017; Fábrega, 2019; Siavelis, 2010). Al igual que muchos otros de los llamados países de altos ingresos, en Chile aún existen comunidades que viven en condiciones precarias, a pesar de la incorporación de Chile a la OCDE en 2010 y el reconocimiento internacional del modelo chileno de desarrollo (Richards, 1997) .
El Valle de Huasco es uno de esos lugares que aún quedan atrás. Ubicado al sur del Desierto de Atacama y conocido como el último valle antes de ingresar al desierto más árido de la tierra, el río Huasco da vida al valle, a su gente y a sus formas de vivir. El Valle está formado por cuatro comunidades principales (Huasco, Freirina, Vallenar y Alto del Carmen) alcanzando una población de alrededor de 72.000 personas distribuidas a lo largo de 150 km desde el Océano Pacífico hasta más de 4.000 m.s.n.m. en la Cordillera de Los Andes. Las principales actividades económicas de la región, además de los servicios, son por lejos la minería (41% del PIB regional) con uno de los PIB per cápita más altos entre las regiones de Chile (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, n.d.), pero aún con muchos problemas socioambientales sin resolver (Environmental Justice Atlas, d.f.; Instituto Nacional de Derechos Humanos, n.d.), que reflejan la desigualdad que aún sufre Chile. Si bien el Valle ha sido objeto del desarrollo de proyectos industriales y mineros durante años (Bolados-García et al., 2021), proyectos emblemáticos han sido cancelados por la presión pública y las malas prácticas socioambientales de las empresas, a pesar de haber sido aprobados por autoridades. Estos incluyen proyectos de minería, agroindustria y energía. Algunos de los impactos identificados de estos proyectos incluyen altos niveles de metales pesados impactando niños y productos locales, olores intolerables de los cadáveres de cerdos, contaminación del mar local por relaves mineros y sedimentos de larga duración en el río Huasco (Insunza, 2015; Myllyvirta et al. al., 2020; Vargas Aceituno, 2014). Como se ve, la literatura académica, así como las investigaciones de las ONG, muestran vasta evidencia del impacto social y ambiental de estos proyectos en las comunidades del Valle.
Bajo este preocupante escenario de desarrollo, inversión, justicia y desconfianza, aparecen conflictos por la injusta distribución de 'bienes' y 'males' sociales y ambientales que amenazan la salud, el sustento y la identidad social de estas comunidades (Scheidel et al., 2020). Las intervenciones territoriales industriales, si bien crean empleo, pagan impuestos y benefician la economía local, también traen externalidades negativas que afectan las formas de vida de las personas, difícilmente distribuyen los beneficios económicos de manera equitativa y los gobiernos suelen actuar de manera unilateral (Amengual, 2018).
Este trabajo se centra en esas comunidades y sus territorios con el objetivo de comprender la lógica del desarrollo y el papel potencial que las multinacionales juegan en él. Luego de visitar el Valle, conversar con sus habitantes y fotografiar su diverso paisaje desde el mar hasta la montaña, nos encontramos con una sensación de incertidumbre y abandono, y nuestra obra refleja lo visible e invisible, lo efímero y permanente, las transformaciones, adaptaciones, relaciones y los conflictos entrelazados que existen en todo el valle.
Texto de Eduardo Ordóñez-Ponce, PhD.
Profesor asociado, Universidad de Athabasca
Photographs
Untitled (Atacama)...
Valle
Unfold
OMNE, Land (Artist Residency)
Frequency
On Trial
Displace
Notes 01, 02, 03 (On Trial)
Trama
Untitled (Sequel)